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Jebu is an excep tion, being thickly forested; but it appears that less territory has been won from the sea south of Jebu, and cast of Lagos generally, than in the districts to the west, between Lagos and Dahomi. To the east of Lagos the old coast-line seems to have been almost conterminous with the northern shores of the Kradu and Lekki lagoons, and the water-way which connects them by way of Epi, while to the west it appears to have trended back northwards bevond the lagoons of Oluge and Porto Novo.

It is only after crossing the narrow lagoon or creek called the Ajarra Creek, which runs in a convex curve from the Porto Novo lagoon to the Okpara, that stones are found in the soil; and about twenty miles to the west of this there appears to have been at one time a great bay, the northern limit of which was the Ko, or Great Marsh, of Dahomi, thirty-five iniles from the present coastline. The dotted line in the accompanying map shows the probable position of the ancient coast-line between the Volta River and Lekki.

Northward of the old coast-line the Yoruba country rises very gradually in a succession of low-lying plateans. Isolated and densely-wooded hills, from to 1, feet high, are also found in Ife and Ondo. In some parts, as at Sakiti, north of Ajarra, and at Abeokuta, isolated masses of granite afford evidence of great denudation.

In fact the whole western coast of Africa, between the Isles de Los, seventy miles north of Sierra Leone, and Lagos, and probably beyond those limits, shows traces of an enormous denudation. The table-topped Kofiu Mountain, which rises sheer from the plain north of the.

Of the early history of the Yoruba-speakino, peoples nothing is known, except what can be gleaned from Dalzel's "History of Dahomey," , from which it would appear that, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, all the different tribes were united, and were ruled by a king who resided at Old Oyo, sometimes called Katunga.

The kingdom of Yoruba also seems to have been more powerful than the other two great African kingdoms, Dahomi and Ashanti. Between and the King of Y oruba espoused the quarrel of the King of Ardra, whose kingdom had been overthrown by Dahomi, and sent a large army, chiefly consisting of cavalry, to invade Dahomi.

By a stratagem[l] the Yorubas were routed, and the king [1. Ewe-speaking Peoples," p. In another Yoruba army invaded Dahomi, defeated the king, and captured and burnt Agbomi, Kalia, and Zassa[l] and from that time forward the Y orubas annually raided into Dahomi, ravaging the country, and retiring again at the commeucement of the rains. This state of affairs was brought to an end by a treaty of peace inade in , by which the King of Dahomi undertook to pay a heavy annual tribute to the King of Yoruba.

After this we hear no more of the Yorubas in Dalzel's History, which is only carried to , except that, in , they interfered to prevent the Dahomis from attacking Porto -Novo; but the tribute appears to have been paid up to the days of King Gezo of Dahomi Governor Dalzel informs us, however, that when the "Eyeos"[2] Yorubas were dissatisfied with a king, they sent a deputation to him with a present of parrot's eggs, and a message that they considered he must be fatigued with the cares of government, and that it was time for him to rest and take a little sleep.

Upon receiving this message, the king forth with retired to his apartment, as if to sleep, and then gave directions to his women to strangle him, [1. The Yorubas were called Eyeos or Oyos by old writers, after the name of their capital, Oyo. The chiefs tried to support the custom by force, and Ochemi, the prime minister headed a rebellion, which was, however, crushed, and Ochemi, and all his numerous family were put to death. The reason of our having such meagre information of this great West African kingdom is that the Yorubas did not inhabit the territories on the sea-coast, the Ewe tribes occupying the coast-line as far east as Badagry, and the Benin tribes the portion from Badagry to Benin.

This neglect on the part of the Yorubas to push down to the sea may have been partly due to superstition, for Dalzel says that "the fetiche of the Eyeos was the sea," and that they and their king were threatened with death by their priests if they ever dared to look upon it. Slave traders and others, who frequented the Slave Coast during the last century, were thus not brought into contact with the Yorubas, and consequently we hear but little of them; while the literature concerning Ashanti and Dahomi, which, like Yoruba, were originally inland powers, but whose invasions of the coast kingdoms brought them into contact with Europeans, is ample.

As far as can be ascertained, the chief strength of Yoruba lay in its cavalry, which was said to number [1. This custom remained in force until quite recent times, if, indeed, it is yet altogether extinct. The report as to the number of cavalry reached the traders through the coast tribe, who owned no horses, and who were no doubt greatly impressed by the spectacle of a few score of mounted men.

According to tradition, the following was the method of determining the number of men required for a military expedition. An ox-hide was pegged down in front of the general's tent, and the horsemen made to ride over it in succession between two spears. When, by this process,, a hole had been worn in the hide, the number of men was thought sufficient for an ordinary campaign. For serious operations two ox-hides were used, one placed over the other.

Although as we know from Dalzel's History, Oyo, or Yoruba, was a powerful kingdom at least as early as , Yoruba traditional history carries us back no further than the end of the eighteenth century, a fact which shows what little reliance can be placed upon the traditions of nations who are unacquainted with the art of -writing.

The first king of whom the arokbi, or chroniclers, have any knowledge is Ajagbo, who appears to have reigned soon after , and whose name is preserved in the metrical sentence which fixes the rhythm of the ogidigbo drum, as follows: Gbo, Ajagbo, gbo oba gbo, ki emi, ki osi gbo. Its chief town was Ake, and from it the chief took his title of Alake, "One who owns Ake. This was then, as now, the western province.

Its capital was Ketu, and from it the chief took his title of Alaketu, " One who owns Ketu. It was divided into Jebu Remu and Jebu Ode, each having its own chief, but the ruler of the latter, called the Awujale, was considered the chief of the whole.

The rulers of Yoruba, Egba, and Ketu styled each other "brother. It was during the reign of Arogangan that the Yoruba kingdom commenced to break up. The Fulas, it seems, overran the territory of the Hausas, and the latter, driven southward, sought refuge in the northern provinces of Yoruba.

Arogangan had appointed his nephew, Afunja, governor of Ilorin, the north-eastern province, which contained a large number of Hausa refugees, and Afunja, being ambitious, conceived the project of utilising the Hausas in order to dethrone his uncle and make himself Alafin. His plans being matured, he raised an insurrection, which met with a measure of success, for Oyo was besieged, and Arogangan, in order to avoid falling into the hands of his nephew, poisoned himself; but Afunja was not able to secure the throne, as the elders of Oyo elected to the monarchy Adebo, the brother of Arogangan, and Afunja had to retire to Ilorin, where he maintained a semi-independent position.

These events are supposed to have taken place about , and it was about the same time that some of the Yorubas first pushed to the south and colonised Lagros. The first chief of Lagos was named Ashipa, and is said to have belonged to the family of the Alafin.

Adebo only reigned about four months, and died suddenly, from which it was supposed that he was poisoned. He was succeeded by Maku, who endeavoured to make head against the Mohammedan tribes who were now pressing in from the north, but he was defeated in a great battle, and committed suicide, after a reign of about only three months.

An interregnum now ensued, during which the reins of power were held by the Oba-shorun, or prime minister, and it was not until five years had elapsed that a new king, named Majotu, was elected. He reigned about seven or eight years, committed suicide on account, tradition says, of the misbehaviour of his son, and was succeeded by Amodo. Afunja had, since , remained in possession of Ilorin, where he had sought to strengthen himself by encouraging Mohammedans to settle, and, about , while Amodo was engaged with the invading tribes from the north, he again made war upon Yoruba.

The Mohammedan party had for some years been dominant in Ilorin, and now, declaring that it would no longer recognise a pagan king, it elected a Mohammedan to the supreme power, and severed the connection with Yoruba. Ilorin now took the lead in the Mohammedan invasion of Yoruba, and the Yorubas seem to have been invariably worsted.

In , when it was visited by Lander. The Egbas, taking advantage of the overthrow of Yoruba, declared themselves independent, but the Yorubas, as soon as they were settled in their new territory, attacked them with vigour, and drove them out of all their northern towns. A desultory war then lingered till about , when the Egbas abandoned their territory, and moving to the south, founded their present capital, Abeokuta. The new town was divided into several distinct quarters, or townships, which were named after an equal number of towns that bad been destroyed in the war, and one of them, Ake, still preserves the name of the old Egba capital.

Although these events occurred so recently, they have already become clothed with myth; and Lishabe, the chief who led them to Abeokuta, is believed by the Egbas to have been a giant and a demi-god. About the same time, Ibadan, a town of the old province of Egba, situated some thirty-five miles south of Oyo, declared itself independent of Egba; the original Egba inhabitants having been driven out by the Jebus, and the latter, in their turn, by Yoruba refugees.

Other secessions took place, and by the Yoruba kingdom had split up into the following independent states. It owned a nominal allegiance to the Alafin, because its inhabitants were Yoruba refugees, but was really independent.

The ruler was styled the Owa. The ruler was styled the Oni. The former Yoruba province of Ilorin was now inhabited by Fulas, Bornus, and Hausas, and was said to have a population of ,, 80, of whom were in the town of Ilorin. The Fulas were the dominant race, and the government was in their hands. Shortly after the Ekiti tribes, as they were afterwards termed, that is, the inhabitants of the various towns lying between Ibadan and Ijesa, and the adjoining territory to the south, formed a, confederation, which was soon joined by Ife and Ijesa, the ruler of the latter state being elected bead of the confederation.

The result of these various conflicts was that the confederation was entirely subdued, one half passing under the rule of Ilorin and the other under that of Ibadan. Before long, however, the inhabitants of the towns which had been annexed to Ilorin applied to Ibadan for assistance, and another war ensued, which resulted in the expulsion of the Ilorins, and the establishment of the rule of Ibadan over the whole Ekiti confederation.

This was about While these events were taking place in the interior, Lagos, which, as we have seen, was colonised from Y oruba at the beginning of the century, had become a place of some note as a slave emporium. The wars in the north, which had been almost incessant since the rebellion of Afunja about , had resulted in the capture of many thousands of prisoners of war, of both sexes and all ages, and the dregs of these, the men who were of no local importance, and the women who were no longer attractive, were, in accordance with the usual practice, sold to the slave-traders.

Lagos was the most convenient port, and they were therefore inarched, down there in gangs to await shipment. This traffic in slaves, which brought Lagos into some notoriety commenced about the year , and soon attained very large dimensions. In a struggle for the succession broke out in Lagos, and resulted in Kosoko, the legitimate pretender, being expelled the kingdom by his rival Oluwole, who secured the throne for himself.

Oluwole died in 18", and was succeeded by Akitoye, who was foolish enough to invite Kosoko, who was still alive and in banishment, to come and live in Lagos. Kosoko readily accepted the invitation, soon began conspiring, and before long found himself sufficiently well supported to rebel. In the struggle which ensued the town of Lagos was burned, and Akitoye driven into banishment.

He found a refuge at Badagry, and, in order to induce the English to espouse his cause, promised that, if he were reinstated at Lagos, he would help to suppress the slave-trade. This negotiation coming to the knowledge of Kosoko, he despatched a force to Badagry to attack Akitoye, which burned the town, killed an English trader named Gee, and destroyed a great deal of property belonging to British subjects. The senior naval officer upon the station thereupon determined to support Akitoye against Kosoko, and H.

As the British Consul, who was with the flotilla, had hopes that Kosoko would submit to a display of force, flags of truce were kept flying; and although, on rounding the first point, a heavy musketry fire was opened by the natives, the fire was not returned, and the flags were not lowered till the boats were within a mile of the town. At this point several guns opened on the boats, so the flags of truce were hauled down and the fire returned.

This failure led to a more determined attack in December, on the 26th of which month a considerable force, under the command of Commodore H. Bruce, entered the lagoon in boats. The natives offered a stubborn resistance, and bad in position several guns, which were exceedingly well served. The Teazer got aground abreast of a battery, upon which her own gun could not be brought to bear, and to save her from destruction it became necessary to land a party and carry the battery by assault.

This was done in gallant style, but with the heavy loss of one officer and thirteen inen killed, and four officers and fifty-eight men wounded. The other vessels and boats had in the meantime kept up a vigorous bombardment, which was maintained all that day, and continued next morning from daybreak until about " a. The flames, fanned by the sea-breeze, spread with remarkable rapidity, and the heat was so intense that the fire of the natives gradually slackened and then finally stopped.

Next morning, Kosoko and his followers havinu abandoned the place, the British landed. They found the beach strongly stockaded, and an enfilading piece of ordnance at every promontory. Fifty-two guns were captured, but the victory was dearly purchased, as the total loss during the two days' operations amounted to two officers and fifteen men killed, four officers and sixty-eight men wounded, many of them very severely.

Akitoye was now reinstated, and on January 1st, , signed a treaty, undertaking to suppress the export slave trade, and to expel all Europeans engaged in the traffic. About September of the same year some Portuguese slave traders, who bad been expelled under this treaty, returned to Lagos, and, with the assistance of some of the chiefs, secretly renewed the traffic.

Akitoye, being informed of what was going on, strove to stop it, whereupon the Portuguese incited the chiefs to rebel, and in August, , Kosoko returned from Epi, where he had taken refuge, to head the movement. The British naval authorities again interfered in favour of Akitoye; a party of seamen and marines was landed to support him, and on the 13th of August, after a sharp skirmish, defeated Kosoko and his adherents, who once more fled to the east.

Akitoye died in September, poisoned, it was said, by the slave trade party, and his son Docemo was, through British influence, appointed his successor. Kosoko, who had again found an asylum with the chief of Epi, refused to accept this arrangement, and continued to harass Docemo and the Lagos people until by an agreement made in January, , he was recognised as King of Palma and Lekki, on condition of renouncing all claim to the sovereignty of Lagos.

In a new war broke out in the interior. Ijaye, an important town of Yoruba, declared itself independent of the Alafin, who called upon the Ibadans to assist him in reducing it to allegiance. The Ibadans complied, whereupon the Egbas sided with Ijaye; but these allies sustained a severe defeat at the hands of the Yorubas and Ibadans, losing, it is said, 40, in killed and prisoners, and Ijaye was destroyed on March 17th, Up to this time the Egbas had been considered the proteges of the British, and great interest had been taken in the welfare of Abeokuta, which was regarded as the bulwark of Christianity in West Africa.

This interest dated from about , when a number of Egba slaves, who had been liberated at Sierra Leone from captured slave vessels, returned to Abeokuta and asked that missionaries might be sent to them. A Protestant mission was established there in , and when an attack on the town was threatened by Gezo, King of Dahomi, in , Mr. The mission completely failed, and Gezo attacked Abeokuta on March 3rd, , but was repulsed with some loss.

They seem also to have had some suspicion that their independence was threatened, for when in May, , it was proposed to send some trained gunners of the 2nd West India Regiment to Abeokuta to instruct the people in the use of some guns that had been presented by the British Government, and to lend aid during another attack that was now threatened by Dahomi, the Egbas made excuse after excuse, and finally declined to receive them. In 1 they further displayed their ill-will by molesting, and plundering several native traders from Lagos, and, as they refused reparation, the Governor of Lagos, in , blockaded all the roads leadina to Abeokuta.

In , Kosoko, chief of Palma and Lekki, desired [1. The Possu, or chief of Epi, raised objections to this cession. He had, it appeared, certain territorial rights over these places, and their cession, moreover, shut him off from the sea.

As he refused to cede his rights, an expedition, consisting of three officers and men of the 2nd and 3rd West India Regiments, proceeded in H. Investigator to Epi, where the troops and a rocket party of one officer and fourteen seamen landed.

After this the chief renounced all further claim to territory south of the lagoon. In July, , the chiefs of Badagry likewise ceded all their territory to the British. The war between the Egbas and Ibadans caused by the affair of Ijaye had been carried on in a desultory manner since ; but in , after the repulse of the Dahomis from before Abeokuta on March 15th, [1] the Jebus, who had hitherto adopted the policy of excluding all strangers from their territory, and had lived in complete isolation, shut off by their forests from the rest of the tribes, joined the Egbas, and the war was prosecuted with more vigour.

The Jebus of Ikoradu, a town at the northern extremity of the Lagos lagoon, refused to join their fellow-tribesmen in the alliance with the Egbas, their reason being that their interests were identified with those of the people [1.

In revenge, the Egbas, early in , despatched to Ikoradu an army of 12, men, which besieged the town, and, after the native fashion, threw up two entrenched camps against it. The Colonial Government, alarmed at the near approach of this force, and appealed to by the Ikoradus for aid, warned the Egbas to desist, and ordered them to return to their own country.

The Egbas sent insulting messages in reply, and a force of some men, consisting of the 5th West India Reaiment and the Lagos Police, was accordingly sent against them, which stormed the camps and routed the Egbas with heavy loss, on March 29th, This affair of course only served to widen the breach between the British and the Egbas, the latter, besides, conceived that the Colonial Government encouraged the annual raids of Dahomi upon Egba territory; and, in , they expelled all the missionaries from Abeokuta, and cut off all relations with the British.

It seems that a letter, purporting to be signed by a hostile chief, fell into the hands of the Egbas, who knew that the chief could not write, and fancied they recognised the handwriting as that of a Protestant missionary who had formerly lived in Abeokuta. The missionaries in Abeokuta were thereupon accused of betraying the Egbas to their enemies; there was a popular tumult, and the mob howled for their blood. It was only with great difficulty that the chiefs and elders succeeded in saving the lives of the accused, who were immediately expelled from the town, and their houses and churches destroyed.

In , the French Roman Catholic missionaries obtained leave to establish a mission in Abeokuta, which thenceforward fell more under the influence of the French. The interior continued to be disturbed by inter-tribal wars until about, , when affairs calmed down, but in the Egbas plundered some Ibadan traders, and the Ibadans sent an army to avenge the outrage.

The Mohammedans of Ilorin rapidly invaded the country and laid siege to Ofa, a town situated some twenty miles to the northeast of the city of Ibadan, and the Ibadans were obliged to withdraw their army of invasion from Egba in order to defend their own territory, which was now threatened from three sides. The Egbas, however, did not follow up the retreating force, and, indeed, took no further part in the war, they being held in check by the fear of leaving Abeokuta unprotected against Dahomi, which power had been in the habit of making annual demonstrations in its vicinity for some years past; and the struggle was continued between Ibadan, on the one side, and Ilorin, Ijesa, the Ekiti tribes, and Jebu, on the other.

Ibadan secured the support of Modakeke and Ife, two populous towns situated on hills on the opposite sides of a small stream, to the south-west of Ijesa, and the war continued for some years without any great advantage being gained by either side. The Modakekes were staunch allies of the Ibadans, but the sympathies of the Ifes were rather with the Ijesa and the Ekiti tribes, with whom they had been in alliance during the war which terminated in Their situation, however, made them afraid of coming to an open rupture with Ibadin, so, in response to the demand of the Ibadans, they sent a contingent to the Ibadan camp, but at the same time also secretly sent an equal force to the camp of the Ijesas and Ekitis.

This double game could not long escape detection, and in the Modakekes, assisted by a force of Ibadans, attacked Ife, and the town, which was regarded as holy, and the cradle of the Yoruba race, was destroyed. The Ifes now openly joined the enemies of Ibadan, but most of the tribes had by this time become heartily sick of the prolonged struggle, and in a body of Jebus who were encamped on the Omi River made peace with the Ibadans on their own account, and returned home.

The Awujale of Jebu Ode, paramount chief of the two Jebu provinces, was so alarmed at this event that he fled from the town of Jebu Ode, which he was by law forbidden to leave, and took refuge at Epi. Here he was invited by the Jebu elders to commit suicide; he proved docile, and a new Awujale was elected by the peace party.

His election, however, was not approved by the war party, and a strong force of Jebus, under the seriki, or second war chief, still kept the field against Ibadan. The war, which was really only a succession of skirmishes at long intervals, dragged on till , when the Governor of Lagos was asked to mediate and secure a peace. In this request was renewed by all the combatants except Ilorin, and the Governor accordingly acted as mediator, with the result that representatives from the different tribes assembled at Lagos, and on June 4th an agreement was signed, of which the following were the chief points: 1 Ibadan, Ijesa, and the Ekiti tribes to respectively retain their independence.

The belligerents were at this time established in six large camps, the chief being those at Kiji and Oke Afesi, situated about a mile apart upon opposite sides of a mountainous valley in the north of Ijesa, the former occupied by the Ibadans and the latter by the Ijesas and Ekiti tribes. The lbadalis had another camp at Ikirun, about fifteen miles west of Kiji, between the two arms of the Erinle River, where they confronted the Ilorins, who were encamped at Ofa, eighteen miles to the north.

The Modakekes, with an Ibadan contingent, were at Alodakeke watching the Ifes, who, with the Jebu force under the Serikei, were encamped about two miles to the south. In accordance with the terms of the agreement, Commissioners were sent to the interior by the Government of Lagos to take steps to break up the camps. These proved to be towns rather than camps, since they consisted of the ordinary mud-walled houses of the natives, were defended by loop-holed mud walls, and contained many thousands of women and children.

The Ibadan camp at Kiji, which had been in existence for seven years, was estimated to contain between 50, and 60, inhabitants, at least two-thirds of whom were non-combatants, and the Oke Mesi camp 40, These two camps were evacuated and burned on September 28th, , their occupants returning to their former homes; but an unexpected obstacle was now offered by the Modakekes, who first asked for a delay, and then positively refused to carry out the agreement and quit their town, alleging that they could not leave the spot where their forefathers were buried.

The fact was they feared that if they remained on the soil of Ife, the Ifes would revenge themselves upon them for the destruction of the holy city, and that if they moved to Ibadan territory the Ibadans would enslave them; and after some further delay, the Commissioners, finding there was no prospect of the Modakekes keeping their promise, returned to Lagos. The Ilorins had not been parties to the agreement of June 4th, but the Commissioners endeavoured to arrange a peace between them and the Ibadans, and induce them to abandon their camps at Ofa and Ikirun; this, however, did not succeed, and the war between these two tribes continued.

In the meantime, while the interior had been disturbed by these protracted native wars, the colony of Lagos had received further extensions, Ketonu, a district on the eastern shores of Lake Denham Waters, having at the request of the natives, who feared Lrench aggression, been declared British in January, ; while Appa, which lies between Ketonii and Badagry, was placed within the British jurisdiction in By Letters Patent, dated 13th January, , Lagos was made a separate colony, independent of the government of the Gold Coast.

The fourth article defined the territories and spheres of influence on the Slave Coast, the line of demarcation being the meridian which intersects the territory of Porto Novo at the Ajarra Creek, and extending from the sea to the ninth degree of north latitude. By this arrangement the eastern half of Appa, with its capital, and Pokra, became British, while the western half of Appa, together with Ketonu, became French.

Egba and Okeodan fell within the British sphere of influence, and Ketu within that of the French. The war between Ibadan and Ilorin still lingered on, and, in , Mr. Millson, the. Assistant Colonial Secretary, was sent to the interior to endeavour to arrange a meeting between the Governor of Fagos and the belligerents in order to bring these hostilities to an end, but, as the chiefs declined to enter into any negotiations with the Commissioner, the mission failed.

Although Abeokuta had now been definitely placed within the British sphere of influence there was no improvement in the relations between the Egbas and the Fagos government. In January, , a great political meeting was held at Abeokuta, at which the old charge that the government connived at or encouraged the annual inroads of Dahomi was revived, and some European missionaries were expelled.

A Commissioner from the government was sent to Abeokuta in August, but achieved no results, and in January, , the Egbas declared all their trade routes, both to the coast and to the interior, closed, and ceased all commercial relations with the colony.

A further attempt on the part of the government to open negotiations was made in the following month, but completely failed, and at a meeting of Egba chiefs, held on the 13th of April, the proposal to reopen the trade routes to Fagos was unanimously negatived. While affairs had been in this unsatisfactory state in the western portion of the sphere of British influence, a dispute with the Jebus had sprung up in the east.

The Ejinrin market, situated about ten miles east of Epi, was closed by the Awujale of Jebu Ode on account of some disagreement with the people of Fagos; and though, in October, , in consequence of representations made by the government of Fagos, it was formally opened by the Governor and representatives sent by the Awujale, the Jebus made this concession unwillingly, and had no intention whatever of departing from their policy of excluding foreigners from the interior of their country.

Upon this affair being referred to the Home Government, the Governor was instructed to demand an apology from the Jebus for the so-called insult offered to the Acting Governor, and to insist upon a free right of way through Jebu country. The Awujale was to be informed that, if these terms were not complied with, force would be used. In December, , this ultimatum was conveyed to the Awujale by an officer of the Lagos Constabulary, and the Awujale then consented to send to Lagos representatives fully empowered to make the apology and sign a treaty.

For a short time the Jebus observed their treaty engagements, and one member of the Church Missionary Society was allowed to pass through Jebu Ode on his way to the interior; but when, soon afterwards, in the month of February, another missionary attempted to pass through the capital he was ill-used and sent back. A party of Ibadan carriers, who sought to pass through from the north, was also turned back.

The Awujale asserted that the Ibadans had been insolent, but it was evident that the young men of the tribe were determined to maintain the old Jebu policy of isolation. The Jebus were a turbulent and proud nation, and they considered it disgraceful to observe engagements which had been extorted from them by threats.

In consequence of these breaches of the treaty, the Inspector- General of the Lagos Constabulary was sent to the Awujale to ask for explanations. He landed at Itoike, but was not allowed to proceed any further, the Awujale sending to say that he did not wish "to palaver" with the Lagos Government. The Home Government now authorised the employment of force. Special-service officers were sent out from England, two officers and men of the Gold Coast Constabulary were ordered from Accra, and three officers and ninety-nine men of the 1st Battalion West India Regiment were despatched from Sierra Leone.

These, with of the Lagos Constabulary, and an Ibadan Contingent of men, making a total combatant force of about , left Lagos, under the command of Colonel F. Scott, C. On the 16th the column advanced from Epi; there was a slight skirmish at Pobo on the same day, another at Kpashida next day, and on the 18th the force encamped at Majoda.

Next morning the Jebus were found in position, ready to defend the passage of the Oshun River, and an action commenced at 7 a. It was reported that they had offered a human sacrifice to the goddess of the river, to enlist her aid against the invaders, and this had so powerful an effect upon the superstitious minds of the constabulary, that for a full hour they could not be induced to enter the stream; and it was not until the West Indians, who had been held in reserve, were ordered up to lead the way across the Oshun, that the enemy's position was carried.

Between the river and the village of Magbon, which the victors entered shortly after 10 a. It was estimated to have accommodated from 5, to 6, persons, and as about half the occupants of a native camp are women and non-combatants, the passage of the river was probably disputed by about 3, men. The Jebu losses were supposed to be severe, but the British force lost only three killed and twenty-four wounded, exclusive of carriers.

On the 20th of May the advance was resumed soon after daybreak, and, being met by a flag of truce, the force occupied the town of Jebu Ode the same day without resistance. It was about four miles in circumference, defended by a mud wall, and contained in time of peace about 15, inhabitants, all of whom, with the exception of the Awujale and his immediate following, had now fled.

On the 25th, the Governor arrived from Lagos to conduct the negotiations with the Awujale, who made complete submission, alleging that the young men had fought contrary to his wishes and orders; and, on the 30th and 31st, the expeditionary force, with the exception of three officers and men of the Constabulary, who remained in occupation of Jebu Ode, left for Lagos, one column marching through Sagamu and Ikoradu, and another through Itoike.

The trade routes on the east were now opened, but those through Egba country still remained closed, and for some time it was thought that a military expedition against Abeokuta would be necessary. The ease with which the Jebus, who were considered a very powerful tribe, bad been punished, had, however, made a profound impression upon the native mind, and many British subjects of Egba descent at Lagos, fearing that, if the chiefs of Abeokuta maintained their unfriendly attitude, the independence of Egba would be lost, strongly impressed upon their compatriots the necessity of coming to terms.

In consequence, the Egbas declared their willingness to receive the Governor, Mr. Carter, and come to some arrangement, with the result that oil the 18th of January, , a treaty was signed at Abeokuta. The Egbas undertook to refer all disputes between themselves and British subjects to the Governor for settlement, to establish complete freedom of trade between Egba country and Lagos, and to close no trade route without the consent of the Governor.

They also promised to abolish human sacrifice, and not to cede any portion of Egba territory to a foreign power without the consent of the British. On the other hand, Great Britain guaranteed that the independence of Egba should be fully recognised, and no annexation of any portion of it be made without the consent of the Egba authorities.

We still find the characteristics which were dominant among the latter, namely, indolence, improvidence, and duplicity, but they are no longer so pronounced, probably, almost certainly, because life and property are more secure. The Yoruba has more independence of character than the Tshis, Gas, or Ewes, and servility is rare, He even has the sentiments of nationality and patriotism, and though these are regarded with disfavour by the Colonial Government, they are none the less tokens of superiority.

He is a keener trader, is more sociable, and is in all respects socially higher than the tribes of the other three cognate groups. This is in a great measure due to the physical characteristics of the country. There being but little forest, except in the eastern districts, communication is easy, and the territory is moreover opened up by several rivers.

Instead, then, of being dispersed in a number of inconsiderable hamlets, which are mere specks in a vast and impenetrable forest, the Yorubas have been able to live in towns, each of which is within easy communication of others. No doubt their superior social instincts first caused them to congregate in towns, and now many generations of town life has further developed them. There is even a certain amount of loyalty in the Yoruba, a quality for which one might look in vain among the Ewe tribes.

Without saying that the Yorubas are more intelligent, we can safely say that their intellect is more cultivated; the asperities of savage life are softened, the sharper angles are worn down by frequent intercourse with their fellowmen, and at the present day they are certainly the leading people in West Africa. THE tendency which we noted in the case of the Ewe speaking peoples to replace gods which were purely local, and only worshipped by those dwelling in the vicinity, by tribal gods, and by gods worshipped by an entire people, has in the case of the Yoruba tribes been very fully developed, and all the gods possessing any importance are known to and worshipped by the Yoruba-speaking peoples as a whole.

The effect of increasing the number of general objects of worship has been to diminish the importance of the local objects of worship, the genii loci, who, except in Jebu and in some of the remoter districts, have been so shorn of their power as now to- be scarcely above the level of the fairies and water-sprites of mediaeval England, or, which is perhaps a closer parallel, of the Naiads and Hama-dryads of ancient Greece.

This of course is what was to be expected, for the general objects of worship govern, between them, all the phenomena which most nearly affect mankind; and the special function of each genius loci is thus now vested in some other god, who is believed to be more powerful, because he is worshipped over a larger axea and has a more numerous following. The term used by the Yoruba tribes to express a superhuman being, or god, is orisha, and as it is used equally to express the images and sacred objects, and also as an adjective with the meaning of sacred or holy, it answers exactly to the Tshi term bohszon, the Ga wong, and the Ewe vodu.

The word orisha seems to be compounded of ori summit, top, head and sha to select, choose ; though some natives prefer to derive it from ri to see and isha selection, choice , and thus to make it mean "One who sees the cult. Olorun is the sky-god of the Yorubas, that is, he is the deified firmament, or personal sky, just as Nyankupon is to the Tshis, Nyonmo to the Gas, and Mawu to the Ewes. As was mentioned in the last volume, the general bias of the negro mind has been in favour of selecting the firmament for the chief Nature god, instead of the Sun, Moon, or Earth; and in this respect the natives resemble the Aryan Hindus, Greeks, and Romans, with whom Dyaus pitar, Zeus, and Jupiter equally represented the firmament.

The Tshis and Gas use the words Nyankupon and Nyonmo to express sky, rain, or thunder and lightning, and the Ewes andYorubas, the words Mawn and Olorun to express the two former. Nyankupon and Nyonmo thunder and lighten as well as pour out rain, but Olorun, like the Ewe Mawu, does not wield the thunderbolt, which has become the function of a special thunder-god, and he consequently has suffered some reduction in importance.

The name Olorun means "Owner of the Sky" oni, one who possesses, orun, sky, firmament, cloud[l] , and the sky is believed to be a solid body, curving over the earth so as to cover it with a vaulted roof. Like Nyankupon, Nyonmo, and Mawu, Olorun is considered too distant, or too indifferent, to interfere in the affairs of the world.

The natives say that he enjoys a life of complete idleness and repose, a blissful condition according to their ideas, and passes his time dozing or sleeping. Since he is too lazy or too indifferent to exercise any control over earthly affairs, man on his side does not waste time in endeavouring to propitiate him, but reserves his worship and sacrifice for more active agents.

Hence Olorun has no priests, symbols, images, or temples, [ 1. The n in oni, or ni, always changes to 1 before the vowels a, e, o, and u. The name Olorun, however, occurs in one or two set phrasesor sentences, which appear to show that at one time greater regard was paid to him. For instance, the proper reply to the morning salutation, "Have you risen well?

The former seems to mean that thanks are due to the sky for letting the sun enter it; and the latter to be an invocation of the firmament, the roof of the world, to remain above and protect the earth during the night. Sometimes natives will raise their hands and cry, "Olorun, Olorun! Olorun has the following epithets 1 Oga-ogo Oga, distinguished or brave person; ogo, wonder, praise. The derivation of this epithet is obscure, but it probably means "Replenisher of brooks " Olodo, possessing brooks.

We find the same termination in Oshumaye or Oshumare, Rainbow, and in Osamaye or Osamare, Water Lily, and it is perhaps compounded of omi, water, and aye, a state of being, alive. It may be mentioned that, just as the missionaries have caused Nyankupon, Nyonmo, and Mawu to be confused with the Jehovah of the Christians, by translating these names as "God," so have they done with Olorun, whom they consider to be a survival from a primitive revelation, made to all mankind, in the childhood of the world.

But Olorun is merely a nature-god, the personally divine sky, and he only controls phenomena connected in the native mind with the roof of the world. He is not in any sense an omnipotent being. This is well exemplified by the proverb which says, "A man cannot cause rain to fall, and Olorun cannot give you a child," which means that, just as a man cannot perform the functions of Olorun and cause rain to fall, so Olorun cannot form a child in the womb, that being the function of the god Obatala, whom we shall next describe.

In fact, each god, Olorun included, has, as it were, his own duties; and while he is perfectly independent in his own domain, he cannot trespass upon the rights of others. Obatala is the chief god of the Yorubas. Another derivation is Oba-ti-ala, "Lord of Visions," and this gains some probability from the fact that Obatala has the epithets of Orisha oj'enia, "The Orisha who enters man," and Alabalese Al-ba-ni-ase ,[l] "He who predicts the future," because he inspires the oracles and priests, and unveils futurity by means of visions.

The god is always represented as wearing a white cloth. Obatala, say the priests, was made by Olorun, who then handed over to him the management of the firmament and the world, and himself retired to rest. Obatala is thus also a sky-god, but is a more anthropomorphic conception than Olorun, and performs functions which are not in the least connected with the firmament.

According to a myth, which is, however, contradicted by another, Obatala made the first man and woman out of clay, on which account he has the title of Alamorere, "Owner of the best clay;" and because he kneaded the clay himself he is called Orisha kpokpo, "The Orisha who kneads clay " kpo, to knead or temper clay. Though this point is disputed by some natives, all are agreed that Obatala forms the child in the mother's womb, and women who desire to become mothers address their prayers to him; while albinoism and congenital deformities are regarded as his handiwork, done either to punish [1.

Al-oni one who. Obatala is also styled "Protector of the Town Gates," and in this capacity is represented as mounted on a horse, and armed with a spear. On the panels of the temple doors rude carvings are frequently seen of a horseman with a spear, surrounded by a leopard, tortoise, fish, and serpent.

Another epithet of Obatala is Obatala gbingbiniki, "The enormous Obatala. Amongst the Ewe-speaking Peoples at Porto Novo, Obatala determines the guilt or innocence of accused persons by means of an oracle termed Onshe or Onishe messenger, ambassador. This cylinder is placed on the head of the accused, who kneels on the ground, holding it firmly on his head with a hand at each side. The god, being then invoked by the priests, causes the cylinder to rock backwards and forwards, and finally to fall to the ground.

If it should fall forward the accused is innocent, if backward guilty. They add that when a child has served for a year or two and grown too big for the cylinder he is put to death, in order that the secret may be preserved; and is succeeded by another, who, in his turn, undergoes the same fate-but all this is mere conjecture. Odudua, or Odua, who has the title of Iya agbe, The mother who receives," is the chief goddess of the Yorubas. The -name means " Black One " dit, to be black; dudit, black , and the negroes consider a smooth, glossy, black skin a great beauty, and far superior to one of the ordinary cigar-colour.

She is always represented as a woman sitting down, and nursing a child. Odudua is the wife of Obatala, but she was coeval with Olorun, and not made by him, as was her husband. Other natives, however, say that she came from Ife, the holy city, in common with most of the other gods, as described in a myth which we shall come to shortly. Odudua represents the earth, married to the anthropomorphic sky-god. Obatala and Odudua, or Heaven and Earth, resemble, say the priests, two large cut-calabashes, which, when once shut, can never be opened.

This is symbolised in the temples by two whitened saucer-shaped calabashes, placed one covering the other; the upper one of which represents the concave firmament stretching over and meeting the earth, the lower one, at the horizon. According to some priests, Obatala and Odudua represent one androgynous divinity; and they say that an image which is sufficiently common, of a human being with one arm and leg, and a tail terminating in a sphere, symbolises this.

This notion, however, is not one commonly held, Obutala and Odudua being generally, and almost universally, regarded as two distinct persons. The phallus and yoni in juxtaposition are often seen carved on the doors of the temples both of Obatala and Odudua; but this does not seem to have any reference to androgyny, since they are also found similarly depicted in other places which are in no way connected with either of these deities.

According to a myth Odudua is blind. In the beginning of the world she and her husband Obatala were shut up in darkness in a large, closed calabash, Obatala being in the upper part and Odudua in the lower. The myth does not state how they came to be in this situation, but they remained there for many days, cramped, hungry, and uncomfortable. Then Odudua began complaining, blaming her husband for the confinement; and a violent quarrel ensued, in the course of which, in a frenzy of rage, Obatala tore out her eyes, because she would not bridle her tongue.

In return she cursed him, saying "Naught shalt thou eat but snails," which is the reason why snails are now offered to Obatala. As the myth does not make Odudua recover her sight, she must be supposed to have remained sightless, but no native regards her as being blind.

Odudua is patroness of love, and many stories are told of her adventures and amours. The word Ado means a lewd person of eithersex, and its selection for the name of this town is accounted for by the following legend. Odudua was once walking alone in the forest when she met a hunter, who was so handsome that the ardent temperament of the goddess at once took fire.

The advances which she made to him were favourably received, and they forthwith mutually gratified their passion on the spot. After this, the goddess became still mora enamoured, and, unable to tear herself away from her lover, she lived with him for some weeks in a hut, which they constructed of branches at the foot of a large silk-cotton tree. At the end of this time her passion had burnt out, and having become weary of the hunter, she left him; but before doing so she promised to protect him and all others who might come and dwell in the favoured spot where she had passed so many pleasant hours.

In consequence many people came and settled there, and a town gradually grew up, which was named Ado, to commemorate the circumstances of its origin. A temple was built for the protecting goddess; and there, on her feast days, sacrifices of cattle and sheep are made, and women abandon themselves indiscriminately to the male worshippers in her honour. Before her amour with the hunter, Odudua bore to her husband, Obatala, a boy and a girl, named respectively Aganju.

The name Aganju means uninhabited tract of country, wilderness, plain, or forest, and Yemaja, "Mother of fish" yeye, mother; eja, fish. The offspring of the union of Heaven and Earth, that is, of Obatala and Odudua, may thus be said to represent Land and Water. Yemaja is the goddess of brooks and streams, and presides over ordeals by water. She is represented by a female figure, yellow in colour, wearing blue beads and a white cloth.

The worship of Aganju seems to have fallen into disuse, or to have become merged in that of his mother; but there is said to be an open space in front of the king's residence in Oyo where the god was formerly worshipped, which is still called Oju- Aganju-" Front of Aga-nju. This name is compounded of orun, sky, and gan, from ga, to be high; and appears to mean "In the height of the sky.

The offspring of Land and Water would thus be what we call Air. Orungan fell in love with his mother, and as she refused to listen to his guilty passion, he one day took advantage of his father's absence, and ravished her. Immediately after the act, Yemaja sprang to her feet and fled from the place wringing her hands and lamenting; and was pursued by Orungan, who strove to console her by saying that no one should know of what had occurred, and declared that he could not live without her.

He held out to her the alluring prospect of living with two husbands, one acknowledged, and the other in secret; but she rejected all his proposals with loathing, and continued to run away. Then her body immediately began to swell in a fearful manner, two streams of water gushed from her breasts, and her abdomen burst open. The streams from Yemaja's breasts joined and formed a lagoon, and from her gaping body came the following :- l Dada god of vegetables , 2 Shango god of lightning , 3 Ogun god of iron and war , 4 Olokun god of the sea , 5 Olosa goddess of the lagoon , 6 Oya goddess of the river Niger , 7 Oshun goddess of the river Oshun , 8 Oba goddess of the river Oba , 9 Orisha Oko god of agriculture , 10 Oshosi god of hunters , 11 Oke god of mountains , 12 Aje Shaluga god of wealth , 13 Shankpanna god of small-pox , 14 Orun the sun , and 15 Oshu the moon.

The place where her body fell used to be shown, and probably still is; but the town was destroyed in , in the war between the Ifes on the one hand and the Ibadans and Modakekes on the other. The myth of Yemaja thus accounts for the origin of several of the gods, by making them the grandchildren of Obatala and Odudua; but there are other gods, who [1.

Two, at least, of the principal gods are in this category, and we therefore leave for the moment the minor deities who sprung from Yemaja, and proceed with the chief gods, irrespective of their origin. Shango, the god of thunder and lightning, is, next to Obatala, the most powerful god of the Yorubas; he was the second to spring from the body of Yemaja.

His name appears to be derived from shan, "to strike violently," and go, "to bewilder;" and to have reference to peals of thunder, which are supposed to be produced by violent blows. To wield the thunderbolt is certainly one of the proper functions of the sky-god, and the process by which he becomes deprived of it is not by any means clear. It does not appear to be the result of advancing culture, for the Zeus of the Greeks and the Jupiter of the Romans, who had respectively the epithets Kerauneios and Tonans, retained it; as do the Nyankupon of the Tshis and the Nyonmo of the Gas; while, like the Ewes and Yorubas, the Aryan Hindus [1.

For the same notion among the Tshis and Gas, see Note at p. He dwells in the clouds in an immense brazen palace, where he maintains a large retinue and keeps a great number of horses; for, besides being the thunder-god, he is also the god of the chase and of pillage. The Yoruba word for lightning is mana-mana ma-ina, a making of fire , and has no connection either with iron irin or a chain ewon ; while the name Jakuta shows that Shango is believed to hurl stones and not iron.

The iron-chain notion, therefore, appears to have been borrowed from some foreign source, and, moreover, not to yet have made much progress. The Oni-Shango, or Priests of Shango, [2] in their chants always speak of Shango as hurling stones; and whenever a house is struck by lightning they rush in a body to pillage it and to find the stone, which, as they take [ 1.

Hunting and thunder were likewise the functions of the Aztec god, or goddess, Mixcoatl. Nadaillac, "Prehistoric America," p. Oni, one who possesses or gets. A chant of the Oni-Shango very commonly heard is, "Oh Shango, thou art the master. Thou takest in thy hand thy fiery stones, to punish the guilty and satisfy thine anger.

Everything that they strike is destroyed. Their fire eats up the forest, the trees are broken down, and all living creatures are slain;" and the lay- worshippers of Shango flock into the streets during a thunderstorm crying, " Shango, Shango, Great King! Shango is the lord and master. In the storm he hurls his fiery stones against his enemies, and their track gleams in the midst of the darkness. According to some natives, Oshumare, the Rainbow, is the servant of Shango, his office being to take up water from the earth to the palace in the clouds.

He has a messenger named Ara, "Thunder-clap," whom he sends out with a loud noise. A small bird called papagori is sacred to Shango, and his worshippers profess to be able to understand its cry. Shango married three of his sisters: Oya, the Niger; Oshun, the river of the same name, which rises in Ijesa and flows into the water-way between Lagos and the Lekki lagoon, near Emina; and Oba, also a river, which rises in Ibadan and flows into the Kradu Water.

All three accompany their husband when he goes out, Oya taking with her her messenger Afefe the Wind, or Gale of Wind , and Oshun and Oba carrying his bow and sword. Oxen, sheep, and fowls are the offerings ordinarily made to Shango, and, on important occasions, human beings.

His colours are red and white. He is consulted with sixteen cowries, which are thrown on the ground, those which lie with the back uppermost being favourable, and those with the back downward the reverse. He usually goes armed with a club called oshe, made of the wood of the ayan tree, which is so hard that a proverb says, "The ayan tree resists the axe.

The priests and followers of Shango wear a wallet, emblematic of the plundering propensities of their lord, and the chief priest is called Magba, " The Receiver. Persons who are killed by lightning may not, properly speaking, be buried; but if the relations of the deceased offer a sufficient payment, the priests usually allow the corpse to be redeemed and buried.

Individuals rendered insensible by lightning are at once despatched by the priests, the accident being regarded as proof positive that Shango requires them. A common idea is that Shango is subject to frequent outbursts of ungovernable temper, during which he thumps and bangs overhead, and hurls down stones at those who have given him cause for offence.

The foregoing are, with the exception of the myth of the fiery chains, the old ideas respecting Shango; but on to them are now rapidly becoming grafted some later myths, which make Shango, an earthly king who afterwards became a god. This Shango was King of Oyo, capital of Yoruba, and became so unbearable through rapacity, cruelty, and tyranny, that the chiefs and people at last sent him a calabash of parrots' eggs, in accordance with the custom that has already been mentioned; with a message that he must be fatigued with the cares of government, and that it was time for him to go to sleep.

On receiving this intimation, Shango, instead of allowing himself to be quietly strangled by his wives, defied public opinion and endeavoured to assemble his adherents; and, when this failed, sought safety in flight. He left the palace by night, intending to endeavour to reach Tapa, beyond the Niger, which was his mother's native place; and was accompanied only by one wife and one slave, the rest of his household having deserted him.

During the night the wife repented of her hasty action, and also left him; so, when in the morning Shango found himself lost in the midst of a pathless forest, he had no one with him but his slave. They wandered about without food for some days, seeking in vain for a path which would lead them out of the forest, and at last Shango, left his slave, saying, "Wait here till I return, and we will then try further. Their meetings usually begin at p. Each Ilya has its appellation.

It must be pointed out here that there is a contention in regard to the issue of national headquar- ters of the Kegites Club. The branch at the University of Ibadan claims that Kegites Club started at their university; hence, they regard their branch as the mother shrine and the national headquarters for other shrines.

Their activity is not limited to the campus; they also perform on special occasions such as at matriculation and convocation ceremonies or whenever any member invites them to grace a particular celebration. The Kegites Club maintains a hierarchical structure. In naming the var- ious categories, the club freely draws names from the immediate environ- ment.

The executive members are called G-Lords. Below is the hierarchy in the organization. Next to the Chief is the Elder who is the deputy to the Chief. The Philosopher is next to the Elder. The Philosopher is the custodian of history and cultural matters in the club.

AB-Cowry is next to the Philosopher in rank. Next to the Parrot is the officer called AB-Drums. He is the head of all drummers and also in charge of drumming in all performances of the club. The Pourer is next in rank to the AB-Drums. The Pourer is in charge of serv- ing of palm wine either at the shrine or at the outings of the club. The Cura- tor is the last in rank. The white liquid that initially collects tends to be very sweet and non-alcoholic before it is fermented.

Palm sap begins fermenting immediately after collection. The wine may be allowed to ferment for a longer period, say, up to a day, to yield a stron- ger, more sour and acidic taste, which some people prefer.

Due to abuse of this brand of alcoholic drink that is made from palm wine various appellations have been given to it to lampoon people who indulge in it to ex- cess. Just like the philosophy of the people on other matters, palm wine is viewed from two angles of good and of evil. Palm wine is used as traditional medicine to cure diseases such as gonorrhea, syphilis, and es- pecially fever.

Palm wine occupies an important place in the ritual space, especially during traditional festivals and ceremonies. Guests at weddings, birth celebrations, and funeral wakes are served generous quantities. Palm wine is often infused with medicinal herbs to remedy a wide variety of physical complaints. As a token of respect to deceased ancestors, many drinking sessions begin with a small amount of palm wine spilled on the ground.

Palm wine is enjoyed by men and women, although women are not as likely to drink it in public places as men. The methods of tapping the two are similar. The above statement is usually uttered to sarcasti- cally lampoon an individual who engages in excessive consumption of alco- hol. This shows the importance of palm wine to this deity.

Whenever there is an outbreak of smallpox, drinking of palm wine is encour- aged. We sing according to situations. With copious references to a wide array of Christian songs and less of classical and traditional oral poetry, the Kegites have been able to use their creative ability to compose a distinct oral genre that is performed from time to time during their meetings and at other outings of their club.

Not only this, gourd in the left hand and cup in the right hand is replete with meaning. One, it means that God has put the gourd in the left hand and cup in the right hand, and is describing God as the one who ap- proves the drinking of palm wine. The Kegites and Sociopolitical Issues Humor can develop and sharpen cognitive tools that help people construct meaning and sense. In oral cultures, thinking involves the complex logic of metaphor more than it follows the systematic logic of rational inquiry.

Humor is replete with metaphor and other literary tropes. Hence, language that is rich in metaphor can stimulate creativity. It is understandable that words, either spoken or written, could be used to generate images in the mind of the audi- ence. To this end, imaginative thinking in humor and satire creates a picture in the mind and this image-generation is a cognitive tool Mawter , The song below is a good example in a case where the Kegites sing humorously to depict sexual imagery in the mind of the audience.

The song above has some cultural underpinnings. To them, beads are not only a symbol of beauty but also an instrument of endearment, and have communicative competence. The whole song is a message that sexual intercourse should take place after the woman has finished her domestic chores. This is in line with the ob- servation of Hepburn , that: How a competent reader approaches a work of literature, his attitude and expectations, depend importantly upon the genre he sees it as exempli- fying.

Aesthetically rele- vant features of a work may stand out only if its reader has a background awareness of the historical development of the genre, or of the style, that the work is transforming in its distinctive way and perhaps without direct allusions within the text itself. The work demands to be seen against the foil of the whole tradition from which it stems, and which it modifies by its very existence.

Communicative processes following more or less fixed patterns are called genres. Genre knowledge is also employed when the speakers violate expected patterns in such a way that further information is located precisely in the violation. One can argue that the major crisis confronting an adolescent is associated with establishing his or her identity and avoiding identity diffusion, and that the interpersonal dimension that emerges during this period has to do with a sense of ego identity.

As adolescents break away from the close guidance of their parents, they seek support elsewhere, usually with a peer group. In the developmental stage, an adolescent may view smoking, or the use of alcohol and other drugs, as a way of expressing a grow- ing sense of independence Bandura and Walters and Bandura Friendly irony allows the in-group to deal playfully with social differences, which thereby receive accep- tance.

The participants leave the domain of official politics and playfully cre- ate a high level of intimacy Kotthoff All individuals seek varied experiences and stimulation but have different optimal levels of arousal and different means of sensory stimulation. Some use alcohol or other drugs, eat, smoke cigarettes, engage in sexual activity, or attend religious meetings and programs on the campus as sources of sensory stimulation.

The primary functions of sensation-seek- ing are to provide new experiences, reduce boredom, facilitate dis-inhibition, and offer adventure. It shows how sev- eral persons closely oriented to each other select formulations which produce a coherent fiction, until the created scene is conversationally phased out again. In joint fantasizing, condensed information is quickly added on to produce the most absurd fictive scene; the short turns iconize the tempo of building up the structure.

The particular artistry of participation in the formation of such fantasies consists in doing this rapidly. We viewed genres from a performance perspective and witnessed how an actual co-construction of ongoing discourse indexes social relationships, moral stances, cultural intricacies, and a certain context.

The Kegites in many instances use their songs to show that they are promoters of ethics in the so- ciety. Part of this is discernible in a song against extramarital practices, as seen below. The sense of these lyrics is to bemoan the misfortunes associated with har- lotry, which of course has to be set against an imagined normalcy, a projected future of marriage. In the end, extramarital affairs will have consequential negative effects not only on the victim but on the entire family.

Another song that they have used to satirize the Nigerian regimes right from the time of in- dependence is: Ewo lewo o ewo lewo? Omo elemu ewo lewo? Children of palm wine Kegites which do you say is better? They use their performance license and space to relate their knowledge and reactions to the sociopolitical happenings within Nigerian society. The following are the past leaders of Nigeria: — Tafawa Balewa prime minister General Aguiyi Ironsi head of state — General Yakubu Gowon head of state — Gen.

Murtala Mohammed head of state — Gen. They posit that none of these re- gimes can be praised, for they failed to contribute meaningfully to the de- velopment and progress of the state. This they convey in their song using rhetorical questions to show hopelessness and disappointment in these vari- ous regimes. They use their songs to express the view of the populace concern- ing various Nigerian regimes.

Their submission is that that none of them has really manifested loyalty to the state, as evident in the suffering of the masses due to poor governance. Conclusion The literature on Kegite subcultures focuses predominantly on psycho- logical and sociological perspectives. The emphasis is on how they use oral discourse songs as a culture of boundary-making in membership identity, signification, group solidarity, and cultural production.

This includes but is not limited to the cultural values attached to the cultural heritage that has suffered from colonialism and globalization. Their musical performance is also a way of pre- serving traditional performance tradition and aesthetics. This plurality of aes- thetic styles of the Kegites cannot be underestimated as each scene captures a register of practice and representation. Kegites perform within different visual registers, each of which is dynamic and at the same time a way of revealing the group as a musical troupe, as a cultural group, as critics of the Nigerian social fabric, and as modern performers.

References Afolabi, Olakunle Ayodeji. Bandura, A. Social Learning and Personality Development. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Social Learning Theory. Kotthoff, Helga. Folia Linguistica 30, nos. Mawter, Jeni. Odejide, A. Olabisi, J. Ohaeri, Moruf L. Adelekan, and B.

Ohaeri, Jude U. Oduyela, Olabisi A. Odejide, T. Dipe, Prince- will U. Ikwuagwu, and Andrew Zamani. Peele and M. Grant, — Washington: International Centre for Alcoholic Policy, Olodo, Oyeyemi. Pratten, David. Geneva, May Swales, John M. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, The Kegite is one of the student organizations in institutions of higher learning in Nigeria.

Membership of the organization is open to only those who support the promotion and culture of palmwine drinking. Participant observation method of data collection which involved the researcher him- self in the research setting was adopted. The paper relies on the socio-cul- tural theory for its analysis. Introduction Girigiri defines heritage as a socio-historical concept.

Thus, culture becomes traditional in the sense that aspects of it that still serve useful purposes are transmitted to future generations. However, from the perspective of a majority of social sci- entists, culture means much more than just some aspects of human social ex- istence.

It is an embodiment of the totality of human existence. Elaborating on this definition, Sanderson points out that culture is a complex totality consisting of three interrelated sets of phenomena namely: the tools and techniques or simply the technologies that people have invented to adapt to their environments; the patterns of behav- ior which individuals engage in as members of society; and the shared beliefs, values and rules that humans create as a means defining their relationships to each other and to their natural environments.

Culture has two basic compo- nents, which are material and non-material culture. Material culture consists of all the artifacts the material products of a society. These include the tools fashioned by man, the products made with these tools for the comfort of man, such as shelter, clothing and weapons. Customs are established socially accepted practices.

They are often individ- ualised procedures for the establishment of societal cohesion. Norms are in other words, standards or yardsticks that contain some degree of morality They regulate human behavior and are, therefore, standard for actions. Folkways are the et- iquette and customs of a people that are not of critical importance to the soci- ety.

They are important in establishing order and predictability in many lesser matters of life. Cultural relativists believe that the standards of one culture need not be used to judge another. The standards for the evaluation of culture can only be from the perspective of the culture under examination and not those of other cultures.

According to Mcintosh , the associations of the colonial period were based upon various sorts of common interests. Thus, this paper is concerned with the cultural association among the Nigerian students in tertiary Institutions, known as the Kegite Movement. That is, first, between people interpsychological , and second, inside the child intrapsychologi- cal.

This implies that the child first relates with people; parents, teachers, siblings and peers to develop culturally before the act is molded and estab- lished in him. The primary focus is learning through socialization They see this approach firstly, as fundamentally cultural and secondly, as a pattern of proximal developmental change in which a phase of adult support precedes a phase of independent infant accomplishment. After many experiences of supported expression, the child gradually masters an action that is qualified with cultural mean- ing since the act has passed through a development process during which the adult has educated the child in its use.

Their chosen mode of dressing was short sleeve green regalia worn on top of a long sleeve white shirt, accompanied with a small green cap. Thus, they named the association the Kegite Club and subsequently held its first initiation cer- emony in Consequently, they both agreed on two major issues which would further strengthen the club.

Second, they agreed on the mode of dressing adopted by the Ibadan group, which was the wearing of short regalia only. However, the two groups still maintained their different nomenclatures until when the club was rebranded as the Kegite Club. According to him, the Kegite movement was founded in at The Polytechnic Ibadan formerly known as Technical College.

As explained by Ojuade, during the period the two schools were together in Ibadan, some stu- dents used to gather together at a spot to drink palm wine, it was this gather- ing that metamorphosed to a club called The Palmwine Drinkards Club.

Today, the Kegite Movement has spread throughout the tertiary institutions across Nigeria. It is expedient to emphasize that each branch of the club in an insti- tution is called an Ilya. The nomenclature given to an Ilya has a socio-cultural relevance to the environ- ment in which the institution is situated. Best friends are very important as well. Also important are clubs that grow out of childhood associations.

When a group of young friends starts spending time together, they form a club. They choose a name and invite an older man and woman to serve as advisors. The club continues through to adulthood Adeosun They hold monthly meetings with the members serving as hosts in turn. This practice of having associations is replicated by the members of the Kegite movement in Nigerian tertiary institutions.

Going by the history of the Move- ment, it was recorded that the club was formed by a group of students who shared a similar opinion of having an association that would further cement their relationship. It is pertinent, therefore, to state here that there is hardly a Nigerian tertiary institution at which the Kegite Movement is not found.

The club serves as a unifying factor among Nigerian youths because of its spread and acceptability. It cuts across ethnic and religious divides. Members of the Movement relate among themselves cordially, they move from one school to another for various kinds of ceremonies like corona- tion and initiation. As mentioned earlier, a branch of the club in any tertiary institution is called an Ilya. After graduation, members have the oppor- tunity of associating with other senior members who have graduated before them.

They have a place called Fellosis Convergence or Fellosis Tents. The Fellosis Convergence or Fellosis Tents are established in towns, cities where members gather together. The activities performed there are similar to the ones performed in schools, i. They also have officials who oversee the running of the centers. The Move- ment transcends beyond the shores of Nigeria. This system of governance is adopted by the Kegite Movement in its modus operandi.

The highest principal officer in its structure is the Chief, followed by the Elder, who is closed in rank to the Chief, followed by other officers. Thereafter, a date of coronation of the Chief-elect would be decided and disseminated to all members throughout the country.

Thereafter, he would be told to open one of the two calabashes presented before him. The first calabash con- tains honey while the second contains pepper. Culturally, these connote both good and bad. On the one hand, if the chief-elect opens a calabash that con- tains honey, it signifies that his tenure would be good and favorable.

On the other hand, if he opens the one that contains pepper, it means that his tenure would be full of crises and disfavor. After this exercise, his face would be un- veiled and other rituals would follow. From that moment, he becomes chief of the Ilya. The ceremony is usually climaxed with singing, drumming, and dancing to usher in the new chief. One important thing that endears the Kegite movement in the mind of some people is music. Although their songs are primar- ily for entertainment, they are not devoid of teaching morals among students, and condemning social vices in the society.

Chorus: For this wicked act is condemned by the Kegites. According to the song, both fornication and abortion are forbidden by God and also detested by the Kegites. Lead: He is mentally sick, he is mentally sick Chorus: He who forsakes Kegite club To associate with the secret societies He is mentally sick Against the backdrop of insinuations from some quarters that the Kegite Movement is, perhaps, a secret society, this song is instructive. From the song, therefore, the Kegite club is presented as an open association that accommodates only responsible and disciplined people.

Owing to the fact that the Kegite Movement is not apa- thetic to the happenings in its environments and the country at large, most of its songs are used as protest to condemn evils being perpetrated by the gov- ernment functionaries. Adeosun, Lead: What next? What next? Chorus: What next? The song has an elastic refrain in its structure; it accommodates any personality in power for as long as her economy remains in comatose as it was as at the time of writing this paper.

Language is vital to communication, without language in any form; there can be no communication of whatever nature. Adeosun notes that communication generally is any informa- tion sharing activity. It is an individual and collective activity embracing all transmission and sharing of ideas, fact and data.

Whichever way one looks at it, communication is the means or the system of exchange of ideas, attitudes, opinions, feelings, information and so on within a person intrapersonal , and among persons interpersonal , and collectivities mass. From the foregoing, it is imperative to mention that the Kegite members have a unique language employed to communicate among themselves.

This unique language is what is described as code-talking. Code-talking is quite cryptic and so it needs special knowledge to be able to decipher it. Code-talking is a symbol distorted to create a secret language that is freely used among a set of people. Code-talking is not hidden to its users for it is used to communicate effectively. In other words, it is said to be hidden to a non-user because he or she lacks the understanding of its guid- ing rules.

Among the members of the Kegite Movement, they use code to commu- nicate effectively on any discourse. For example, one of the prominent senior members of the club posted a message on his page of the Facebook on April 3rd This message was sent to the members of the club announcing the sudden death and burial of one of the Life Senior Fellows of the club, Dr. The message reads: Let all alhajis and alhajas by way of ijimujis in the whole galaxy telewire bush rats that tomorrow is d Day D for an LSF who has decided out of his own indecisive decision to climb the iroko tree and interact with Lsf Jesus.

May we all walk. All Melekites celebrate your elevation to baba Eledumare. To God I have vibrated. This information was disseminated and effectively decoded by the mem- bers concerned. Immediately, members were sending their condolences to commiserate with the family of the deceased and the club.

Thus, the burial witnessed a mammoth crowd of members and other sympathizers. During these activities, food and drinks, including palm wine, are sup- plied in large quantity. While this game is on, the players and the audience are usually relaxed with palmwine. They are of the opinion that palmwine is a natural gift by God which does not pass through any processing before its consumption. Apart from its en- tertainment value, it also serves as a source of employment generation for the palmwine tappers, as well as the sellers of palmwine in various schools Keg- ite Movement is found.

In order to achieve this, a review of relevant literature was carried out where efforts were made to discuss some concepts like heritage, culture, and some basic elements of culture. Bibliography Adebileje, A. Adeosun, H. Centrepoint: A journal of intellectual, sci- entific and cultural interest 13 1 : In Falola T, Akinyemi A.

Anele, K. In: Anikpo M. Atemie, J. D, Girigiri B. Fadipe NA. Ibadan: University press. Folorunso, O, Folorunso F. Girigiri, B. The Nigerian heritage: Historical and socio-cultural con- ceptualization. C, Atemie J. Mcintosh, M. Yoruba Women, Work, and Social Change. Ibadan: Bookcraft. Munoz, L. A living tradition. Peil, M. London: Longman. Sanderson, S.

Macrosociology: An Introduction to Human Societies. New York: Harper and Row. Thomas, W. L, Anderson R. The Study of Human Relation- ships. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Vygotsky, L. Thought and Language. It was borne in their heart, incise in their offspring, and pass from one generation to another. Un- fortunately, this cultural heritage is almost lost today, as civilization has den- igrated almost all these cherished cultural values in Yoruba communities.

Undoubtedly, the family where the whole cultural decadence started from has great roles to play in restoring and preserving these cultural values. This is the thrust of this work. The essay is therefore approached from historical and ethical perspectives with phenomenological methodology to examine the cherished Yoruba cultural heritage. The findings of the work show that moral training through informal education; means of identity; communal respon- sibilities; ascribed roles; etc.

Introduction For over two decades, the practice, propagation, and eventual ubiquity of Yoruba culture that define and identify the Yoruba people within and outside their territory has experienced a sudden disappearance. Such cultural values and practices include acceptance and practice of core native language names, tribal marks, etiquettes, observance of taboo, accordance of rites, morality, etc.

So, it is evident among the Yoruba people of Southwest Nigeria. Although this cultural value was formalized by the forbearers of the Yoruba, the values are made into arbitrary standards of conduct in the society, which are passed from one generation to another. The negligence, defiance, desertion, and disappearance of this cherished cultural heritage have brought about decadence in the Yoruba kingdom and the entire nation at large. Adepoju and Awofeko opine that the decline of a so- cietal culture and moral values do have negative effects on the society, which result to wanton flouting of laws, menace, social vices, anarchy, societal col- lapses, loss of unity within a nation, inner conflict and eradication of moral behaviors in the society.

Among many other factors one could identify like: acculturation, indoctrination from the western religions, abuse of technological appliances, etc. Family, although regarded as the smallest unit in the society, cannot be ensconced from, to have a functional society, and smooth-running of such society because this smallest unit developed to what we know as society.

There- fore, family has a great role to play in the sustenance of cultural values of any society. Educa- tional Psychology Interactive. Theoretical Framework This paper predicated on cultural dynamics theory propounded by Mary Jo Hatch, which is a viable tool to examine relational patterns, trends and pro- cesses in cultural issues. The prototype of this theory focuses on both the ob- jective and subjective aspects of cultural processes in a defined organization.

Hatch based her theory on anthropological, as well as social constructionist traditions, and concludes that cultural processes — manifestation, realization, symbolization and interpretation of cultural values — account for both cul- tural change and stability. They are: how does cultural value change; and who or what changes them?

Values are social principles, philosophies, goals, and standards considered to have intrinsic worth. Artifacts are the visible, tangible, and audible results of activity grounded in values and assumptions. This happens, for instance, when cultures are merged or have other forms of contact with foreign culture especially in the current globalized world in which we live, are not closed; they are continuously bombarded by potentially influential new cultural material.

Ashkanasy, C. Wilderom and M. Peterson eds. Handbook of organizational culture and climate, Bed- ford: Sage Publisher , Academy of Management Review, Economy and society. CA: University of California Press , The routinization of cultural change occurs when there is ei- ther directly hereditary transmission of cultural value to others or devolves as a concept upon a group of followers. Cultural Heritage of the Yoruba Yoruba people have a unique cultural heritage, especially in the aspect of morals and etiquettes among others, which makes them stand out among other ethnic groups in Nigeria.

Atanda argues that their cultural heritage is a derivative of their religion, which to a large extent, has formed their norms, values, beliefs, customs, practices, and social behavior. It regulates their ways of life and gives a high standard of morality. This culture envelopes the religion they practice…Religion devolves into every aspect of the cultural life of the people.

This cultural heritage is borne in their heart, incise in their offspring, and pass from one generation to another. Indisputably, culture is fundamental, perhaps the most important, influ- ence in the life of the Yoruba. However, its essential principles are too often unknown to foreigners who constantly misconstrue these beliefs and prac- tices.

Irrespective of the whims of modernity, the Yoruba people still hold te- naciously to their cultural practices and traditions so dearly in spite of the fact of many challenges that waged war against these cultural values.

Similarly, every society has its own cultural beliefs and practices, with a system of in- culcating them to succeeding generations. Therefore, everything done in such society is largely exhibited in the culture of the land. Be it in terms of style of dressing, food, makeup and jewellery, relationship with one another, special symbols and codes. The follow- ing are discussed as major aspect of the Yoruba cultural heritages: Education The act of imparting and acquiring knowledge through teaching and learn- ing was done in Yorubaland through its informal and non-formal ways.

The people train their children from infant through adulthood. An introduction to Yoruba History. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press , The Role of the Family in the Restoration and Preservation 73 training cut across every aspect of life. Fafunwa summarizes the objectives of this teaching into seven-fold agenda of educating young ones.

Indigenous cultural values are conveyed to instil moral, settle quarrels, teach young ones, encourage, and warn implic- itly or explicitly against evil conducts or impending dooms in the community. Means of Identity The distinctiveness of the Yoruba people has shown in various ways. One of these ways is their means of identity. Dressing is very significant among these people. It speaks volume of how unique and exceptional they are. It is factual that clothing is generally used to cover nakedness, but in addition, the Yoruba use it as a means of identification among other people.

Oyeniyi identifies that the people have different kinds and styles of clothing. Besides dressing, tribal marks is another means of identifying the people. This varies from one ethnic group to another within the Yoruba kingdom. In an- cient times, each clan in Yorubaland has its own style of tribal mark, which made it very easy to identify anybody from such clan.

Language, a system of communication with its own set of conventions, is another feature of iden- tity among the people. Similar to tribal marks, each ethnic group in Yorub- aland has its own dialect, which is cherished and spoken fluently anywhere without code-mixing and code-switching unlike what we have today. In ad- dition, name, another means of identity, plays a pivotal role in identifying Yoruba people. Names of places and human beings in Yorubaland have cul- tural meaning.

Names are part of cultural heritage of the Yoruba, as it gives brief explanation to happenings or events that birthed such name. Babs, History of Education in Nigeria. Doctoral thesis, Leiden University , Health issues To the Yoruba people, well-being does not merely connote the absence of ailments and diseases, but also encompasses the proper physical, mental, and social functioning of humans.

Man is occasionally faced with one adversary that negates or denies him of enjoying sound health. Disease is interpreted in many ways to the Yoruba people. These are: diagnosis, heal- ing and prevention. It is disheartening to note nowadays that this aspect of cultural heritage is neither known nor adopted by many Yoruba people.

Di- agnosis is the ability to identify illness or disorder in a person through phys- ical examination, medical tests, or other procedures. It is the discovery of the nature of a disease. But Yoruba people believe in using herbs, natural obser- vance, and divination to discover a disease dis-ease of any type. Once this is discovered, solution through ritual, sacrifice, herbal dosage, etc. Healing is the ability to bring an end to any discovered dis-ease. Ibadan: Samtol Press , The Journal of Science and Healing, Vol.

The Role of the Family in the Restoration and Preservation 75 terminate it. Prevention is the act of avoiding something from happening. In a simple form, a preventive method adopted by the people is how they mea- sure their daily activities to avoid any form of dis-ease or illness in their lives.

Rites of Passage Rites are symbolic and powerful means of expressing both cultural and re- ligious beliefs in any society. Mbiti acknowledges that African society is filled with many ceremonial acts which mark important events in the life of the community in general or the individual members in the society.

Life follows particular circuit which is made up of important stages. These stages are ritualized and marked with various rites. They are: i. Birth Rite. The blessings, fruitfulness or success of any marriage in Yorubaland are calculated in terms of number of children a couple has.

Birth is therefore regarded as an important period in the life of Yoruba people. It is one of the means of ensuring the continuity of human race. Puberty Rite. These are rites that are used to mark the end of childhood and beginning of adulthood, and acceptance into matured group in the society.

It involves core procedures for teenagers, especially during the first menstrual period of a lady. Marriage Rite. In Yoruba cultural context, marriage rite is a social contract between a man, a woman and their extended families. Before marriage is finally contacted, many preliminary activities, which are the core cultural heritage of the people, ranging from inquiries, proposals, acceptance and official engagement or courtship and payment of bride price must have been completed.

Introduction to African Religion. Death Rite. Yoruba see life as a continuum; death is therefore seen as a passage to the hereafter. Rite performed for the dead makes its transition from the physical existence to the invisible existence smooth and easy. Therefore, the corpse is given special rites before it is buried. It is believed that the dead would perturb its relatives and does not settle in the land of the dead if it is not given befitting burial rites.

Taboo Taboo is a social or cultural prohibited act. In many African cultures gen- erally and Yoruba specifically, people are not allowed to do everything the way they would want to do them. Certain actions and behaviors are prohib- ited. In such case, one does not exercise his or her freewill in performing such actions; thereby conform to the law of the land.

Many taboos are associated with divinities, religious authorities, ancestors, trade and crafts, agriculture and many other relevant areas of life. And should there be any breach; the offender may face certain consequence either physically, psychologically or spiritually before he or she will be cleansed through a ritual.

However, some taboos do not have any repercussion because they are meant to enhance moral acts. There are many forms of taboos in Yorubaland; some are religiously in- clined, while others are connected to social or moral etiquettes. Examples are: It is a taboo for a child to receive something with a left hand from an elder; it is a taboo to beat somebody with a broom or pestle; whistling in the night is forbidden; it is a taboo for a child to beat his or her parents; etc.

Individuals in Yorubaland are very conscious of the consequences of breaking taboos. Individuals and collective efforts are always made towards observing these taboos. Similarly, taboos in Yoruba societies are evil deeds, such as robbery, murder, rape, sorcery, witchcraft, poisoning, suicide, sex- ual intercourse with animals, incest, etc. These are therefore strictly adhered to.

The consciousness and adherence of these ill actions had guaranteed peace, harmony, growth and development in the Yoruba societies. The Role of the Family in the Restoration and Preservation 77 Festivals African indigenous religion is full of programs series of performances and cultural events , usually held at regular intervals, often known as festival.

Fes- tivals are special periods of worship which are esteemed by the Yoruba. They are festive periods when people gather together to honor and thank their gods, divinities, and ancestors. Most of them are annually observed, but some can be biannual. Some are used to commemorate significant events in the life of the community, while others are used to mark the beginning or the end of im- portant seasons or year.

Although, festival is religiously inclined, it is seen as part of culture, which marks one phase of circle from another. For example, the beginning of planting season and harvest season are marked with special festival.

The Yoruba have special festivals and very significant to them. Aside merriment, people pray and mark it with one good thing or the other. This family occupation is mandatory for children of such family in addition to any other vocation they may decide to do. This culture of family vocation helps children to be versatile as they grow.

Beside this, chil- dren were enrolled to learn vocations in line with their interest as detected by elders in the family as they grow, which they depend wholly on for their daily living. This has helped to boom the economy of the Yoruba people. Communal responsibility This is a culture of the Yoruba people that unite them together and assist them in building lives and the entire community. The people, especially elders, take it upon themselves to instil cultural values and discipline on individuals especially the youngsters in the society.

Also, people voluntarily put it upon themselves to see to the wellbeing of others in terms of security, polity, economy, development, etc. Besides the grave punishment disgrace, humiliation, etc. Unfortunately, the present generation hardly know that these cultural values neither existed nor practiced. As good as civilization brought to the land through formal education is, its negative impacts have overshadowed Yoruba indige- nous cultural values.

The Concept of Family in Yoruba Society Family can simply be referred to as the smallest unit with group of indi- viduals related by blood, marriage or connection, who influence one another at all time. It can also be seen as a group of individuals who share a bond and are related through blood, a web of experience, belief system, values, emo- tions, and a fostered culture. Journal of Studies in Humanities, Vol.

Also, it could connote a clan, a family bond far beyond what obtains in the western world - a nuclear family. Two family levels are common among the Yoruba people, which are the immediate or nuclear family level, and the kinship or extended family level. However, these two levels emphasize both blood and marital relationships. Typical traditional Yoruba families are cus- tomarily patrilineal and patrilocal in nature.

Disappointedly, reverse is the case in Yoruba community today, as family structure has totally changed from what it used to be, and thereby brought shame and lamentation to the Yoruba nation through its nonchalant and lack- adaisical attitudes towards restoration and preservation of Yoruba cultural heritages.

What is the way forward in restoring cherished Yoruba values? For restoration and then preservation to take place, the families in Yoruba com- munities have to be conscious of the present state of Yoruba cultural heritage, and compare it to how it was in the antiquity. The Sociology of the Yoruba. Ibadan: University Press , This means that government should inculcate these cherished cultural values into the curriculum for teachers and instruc- tors to pass it across to their students.

In addition, listed below are the way-forward to enthroning cultural val- ues among the youths in the contemporary society. These have been ways of preserving the cultural heritage of the people but are missing today. The fam- ily is expected to revisit these cultural patterns, where the cultural values and heritages can easily be learned or discovered. They are: Biographies and Legends Legends and biographies: mythologies, folktales and biographies are verita- ble goldmines for youths to keep them abreast of Yoruba cultural values.

They are prehistoric cultural attempt at answering the most perplexing questions posed by the supernatural and natural phenomena. Myths, fables, tales, memoir, life history, folklores or stories — are natu- rally clothed with experience and past events, which serve as means of re- visiting the past, unwrapping knowledge, and keeping them in the memory as well as handling them down from generation to generation.

There used to be gathering of children with elders in the evening almost on daily basis to listen to witty sayings tales, stories, folktales, etc. These songs lyr- ics, ballads, etc. The people also use songs to warn, hail insults, encourage, entertain, eulogize, etc. Songs are meaningful, they express feeling of joy or sorrows or thanks.

It also enhances emotional and physical participation in an act of worship which sometimes results to ecstatic experience and ring of men ages from the divini- ties. Songs can be seen as a vehicle for conveying certain sentiments or truths.

Besides, through songs, certain information about Yoruba cultures were made known. Dance and drama are exciting, tense, and gripping events and actions in a real-life situation that impact people through its styles and actions. Witty Saying This is another rich area where moral values are instilled in children. It is a repository of indigenous wisdom, values and feelings.

Witty sayings — proverbs, riddles or idioms — are coined with past experience or events of the Yoruba people. It is the oldest and authentic forms of cultural practices of the Yoruba people. It is easy to remember, hit the point in a few words and through it reinstates sanity in a situation. Witty sayings are also used to set- tle quarrels, warn people against bad conducts, encourage and praise people among others. Names Aside the fact that names are means of identifying people or places ev- erywhere in the world, they are also loaded with meanings.

There are vari- ous facts that are hidden on the cultural heritage of the Yoruba people, which names in most cases give details or a clue. This is an expression of worship where the attributes of God are known. Books This documented imaginary records, past events, hidden ideas, repository of knowledge, among others.

Scholars have made rigorous efforts to work on Yoruba people, their culture and religion. These books are helpful because they expose historic events, defined cultural values and he- roes of the Yoruba people. It is obvious that the above are missing today in most Yoruba communi- ties, which could have helped in restoring the lost Yoruba cultural heritages. Cultural relevance of some of them have been replaced or totally lost where they are practiced.

Advancement in technological devices that should have contributed to preservation of cultural heritage has become a woe because the family has failed in its responsibilities in the home and the entire commu- nity to positively monitor and tailored its use to the standard of the land. The family among other agents of socialization in the community should facili- tate the return of this cultural values, encourage, guide and guard youngsters in selected programs on radio and television programmes, art performances, songs and dances, training, seminars, and the likes, that can enhance their knowledge on these values.

However, since culture is not static, family should take it upon itself to ensure the restoration of these cherished cultural heritages. They live in a peaceful environment of collective responsibility, where love, harmony and trust were present as a result of deep understanding and practice of cultural values, to the extent of people leaving their goods in the open and no one dare steal or cheat them.

It is guaranteed that Yoruba nation will be far better than the present time if their lost cul- tural values are restored and practiced, and serve as a means of solution to the problem of corruption, selfishness, recession and unfaithfulness in economy, politics, leadership, among others through industry, honesty, compassion, in- tegrity, etc.

Among these is their method of training both the young and old in the ways and traditions of the people. Even though the said system of education was not documented, it is not only flexible enough to conserve the tradition and culture of the people, it has also proved adequate in transmitting the cultural heritage from generation to generation using the mother-tongue as a tool. This paper examines the effectiveness of this tradi- tional system of education in the development of the pre-colonial Yoruba so- ciety especially in terms of moral diligence.

The paper concludes that if the formal education system can prioritize moral training by tailoring the curriculum towards this objective, the problem of high moral decadence level currently ravaging our various societies may continue and this will not do the societies any good. Introduction Every nation has its own established moral philosophy which may differ from one society to the other. This is where the foundation is laid. Therefore, it will not be out of context to say that this system of education is a panacea for societal advancement in all ramifications.

To achieve this objective, the foundation should be laid at the earliest stages of the ed- ucation of the young as well as on other levels of education — elementary, secondary, technical, university, adult and teacher education — through general and special education 4. We would like to support this notion because we believe that if the educa- tion of the child in laid on solid foundation, such a child will thrive.

This is exactly the focus of the Yoruba traditional education system. We want to agree with Fafunwa because whatever a child is used to is what he grows with and exhibits at adulthood. This essay examines how effective the traditional system of education is in the development of a society especially in terms of moral diligence. This kind of education is referred to as the informal or traditional method of training a child to de- velop into adulthood.

Calling it traditional does not mean that it is no more in existence. The process, though not documented, was firmly established in their systems of training. It also proofs adequate in transmitting the colonial heritage from generation to generation through the use of the mother tongue language.

This differentiates it from the formal education which involved a systemic and organized schooling in planned institutions of learning at whatever level. It is the way in which each human infant is transformed into the finished adult and into complicated individual of his community. It is an on-going process which involves the individual and his so- ciety. In this situation, the goals of the society become the goals of the in- dividual and vice versa.

These range from mental broadening, physical fitness, moral uprightness, and religious deference to good social adjustment and interaction Awoniyi asserts that: The mother-tongue that he learns in his first six years of life is not a gar- ment that he can put off when he dons his school uniform.

Rather, it is part of the stuff of which his mind is built, it embodies the ideas and attitudes he has gained from his environment, […] it is the language through which he thinks, dreams, cherishes, loves, scolds and learns The trend continues today, thus in schools, non-conventional laws are made against the use of the moth- er-tongue. The Yoruba child is punished for conversing in the mother-tongue.

This is not to say that it is a crime to borrow culture, however, we should not borrow culture at the detriment of our own culture. They do everything possible to in- still these qualities in the younger ones through their oral literatures such as proverbs, poems, folk stories, myths and legends, to mention just a few. Today, however, the reverse is the case. This quote attests to the fact that the morality level of the people is fast dwindling today. This may be as a result of the influx of foreign cultures and civilization.

The idea of cultural rejuvenation had been in practice before the introduc- tion of formal education. It was the duty of every member of the society to enforce the observance of the moral rules. Napoleon was said to have stressed the importance of the mother when on one occasion, he said that the greatest need of a country is a mother.

The first impression of the child reflects from the mother, fol- lowed by the nurse, the brothers, the sisters, the father and other members of the family. The child takes its model of everything from the home. He copies everything he sees these people do. The home is his world. The home provides the child with necessary equipment to fit him for his proper place in the society and he is guided properly for his future career.

If the home fails in its duties, then the future is bleak for the child There is no gainsaying the fact that the child spends more time at home more than elsewhere especially with the mother. The father only gives support. The main focus of this kind of training is to inculcate good moral values in every individual.

The training starts from youth, the language being the first tool. From infancy, the child is taught the language used for greeting, respect for elders, he learns about myths and taboos, from where he brings out different moral lessons. It is not singularly done. They spare no effort to instill these quali- ties in them.

Through home training, the child knows everything about his lineage, his praise poetry, the roles of the male and the female in the society and so on. They do this not only through language but also through paralinguistic models such as ear and eye contact before resorting to the use of the cane. This implies that corporal punishment may be applied to tame an unyielding child. On delivery day, she leads other wives to deliver the woman of her baby. She also tells stories of past events within or outside the community.

In this area, the parents are also not helping the mat- ter. Instead, they spare the rod, thus spoiling the child. No wonder why there is rapid increase in the numbers of school drop outs who eventually become touts, hoodlums, posing a serious threat to the peace and stability of the so- ciety.

This is because the school curriculum is not tutored towards imbibing good character but towards securing white kola jobs. In cities like Lagos Nigeria , most parents have their jobs as their priority.

They go out very early and before the child wakes up and comes back after the child had slept. Today there is nothing like storytelling, moonlight plays and the like. This no doubt cannot benefit the society positively. This idea is borne out of the belief that everybody must provide a means of livelihood for himself or herself.

To this end, they send their children out as apprentices to learn a trade. It is, however, important to note that it is not just leasing out the child for apprenticeship that matters, but that such a child is leased to a master who is expected to be morally blame- less. This is because it is believed that while the child may take after his par- ents physically, he is expected to take after his master with whom he interacts mostly morally or professionally.

Chief among the lead skills expected to be inculcated in the child by the master is diligence. They believe in the saying that there should be no food for a lazy man. Hence a lazy man has no respectable place in the society. He is subjected to ridicule. Reference can be made to J. The question is: Where are those verses and chants today?

They have be- come a thing of the past. They form societies named according to the major incidents that happens during their time of birth. When these pupils grow up, they engage in com- munal work that suits their age groups. Those who are above the age of going to war eventually become the elders of their respective communities. The ad- vantage therein is that the youths are acquainted with community develop- mental processes before they become adults.

It is also an avenue for unifying people from different family thus encouraging cooperation among the people. The whole community was involved in one community project or the other. It is worth mentioning that the duties of the male are different from those of the females.

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